This latest publication of Guillaume Faye’s A Global Coup is a welcome addition to the growing number of titles by the author now available through Arktos Press.

Like his other works, A Global Coup cements Faye’s position as one of the leading geopolitical theorists from the Continent and in the world.
Faye’s insights are needed in today’s increasingly complex geopolitical theatre of shifting alliances and multiple poles of power in the global sphere, making an understanding of what he terms the New American Imperialism as necessary as ever in the wake of mass migratory displacement in Europe.
While addressing many of his concerns in the past as philosophy and fiction–a prudent strategy adopted presumably to navigate the ubiquitous hate speech laws in
place upon the continent–here he discusses foreign policy openly, but again does so in a way as to avoid controversy, especially upon the Jewish Question, from which he
has taken pains to distance himself and for which he has been criticized by some on the far right.

Nevertheless, his prophetic powers are keen, and much may be gained from a close study and discussion of this excellent work. Since then he has continued to challenge
the status quo within the Right in his writings, earning him both the admiration and disdain of his colleagues.
Briefly, Faye was born in 1949 and his PhD in Political Science from the Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris. He gained early prominence as one of the principal intellectuals of the French New Right and GRECE throughout the ‘70s and ’80s which gained some currency among the right-wing flank of the French intelligentsia particularly in the wake of the abortive 1968 strikes and students’ demonstration during which much of the elite left vanguard failed to seize the opportunity.

He has since produced a consistent body of work that has bucked the trend of masochism within the French intellectual milieu. He has been embraced by the Identitarian and Alternative Right movements both in Europe and in North America, where he has spoken at various conferences such as the National Policy Institute.

It should be noted that this work addresses a specific period, that is, from 1990 until 2005. In it, he has already identified the cataclysmic wave of mass migration that has
inundated and engulfed Europe perpetuating a long-standing clash of civilizations, namely between white Christian European Civilization and Islam. Faye demonstrates
the sustained historical thinking necessary to properly gauge this state of affairs.
In A Global Coup Faye deftly condemns the status quo of Atlanticism, which is still in effect, that ensued in throughout the Cold War and its aftermath brings his penetrating attention to the neoconservative agenda evident in post 9/11 American foreign policy. This discussion is still extremely relevant given the recent summit of
Presidents Trump and Macron, in which a new alliance was forged.

We can only wait and see if US attempts to wield unilateral power while requiring the EU to bear the increasing costs of maintaining NATO, while the US indebted coffers
dwindle, can be maintained. Trump may actually bring about the Berlin-Moscow axis he so dreads. We shall continue to witness this shifting balance of powers if the US
does not purge the neoconservative cabal from its foreign policy, particularly while waging a trade war with the entire world.
Indeed, one is encouraged to read the afterword in which Faye gives concise expression to his thesis before proceeding to read the numerous essay length
treatments of various correlated foreign policy issues within this text. Faye insightfully deconstructs what he views as an obsessive and hysterical anti- Americanism, that is as irrational as it is self-defeating. It is not the United States, according to Faye, whose power is waning by playing the role of super-cop in world affairs, who is the enemy, but those from within Europe and in particular France who have succumbed to globalists’ designs to rewrite the demographic map of Europe.

Ever since the fall of the Soviet, American imperialism has succumbed to the neoconservative ideology which seeks to exert unilateral control over the affairs of
nations under the guise of exporting “liberty” and “freedom.” In reality, this has resulted in wasteful wars, global resentment, and a general weakening of the United
States in the world.

The United States will continue to undermine itself by pursuing this agenda, says Faye, particularly in a world with new and emergent poles of power, such as Russia,
China, and India, outside of its immediate sphere of influence. Faye ascribes these policies to a Protestant Christian establishment that is ideologically aligned with
Israeli interest. Many would go further, however, in their assessment of this phenomenon. Faye, unfortunately, does not. Rather, he ascribes it to a suicidal “hubris” reminiscent to the late Roman Empire, vaguely determined by a convergence of forces of neoconservative ideology, the financial interests of the military-industrial and “petro- political” complexes, the influence of the Israeli lobby, and even extreme nationalism.

The United States may welcome these demographic changes if only because it has weakened Europe and made it easier for the US to manage. But the US is not responsible for it, according to Faye. Some in Washington, namely the neocons, do rejoice at this development and encourage it, without, however, being responsible for it. Faye stresses this point, repeatedly; however, it seems hard to improve matters whether America is an enemy or adversary.
Some may disagree. The Syrian refugee crisis has been used to justify mass migration into Europe is in many ways the direct or indirect result of American
foreign policy in the mid-east–as for example, the removal of Qaddafi from power in
Libya–in whose affairs it meddles due to covert and overt influence from Israel purchased by the greedy American interest for oil and war-profiteering.
This may seem simplistic; but it is clear that merely ascribing such behaviour to a neoconservative ideology, while partially true, is naive and does not reckon with the
facts of why the US does what it does on behalf of Israel. Unfortunately, though no stranger to controversy, Faye is incapable or unwilling to make this critique. However,
one could argue that his deft avoidance of the Jewish Question is exactly why Faye has been able to address these other questions for many decades now.

The reader can decide for him or herself.

In this context, it is worth mentioning that Faye is convinced that the USA will have its own day of reckoning due to immigration problems and since there is a historical
and ethnic affinity between the New and Old Worlds, an alliance may yet come to pass: an idea he develops at the end of his treatise called Septentrion.

This idea, which is an expansion on his early concept of Euro-Siberia as proposed in
Archeofuturism includes the reunification of all peoples of European origin; that is, that though this work is primarily written from a geopolitical perspective, it is actually
an ethnopolitical one of extreme importance to identitarians.

Thus, Faye has provided sophisticated philosophical geopolitics to his growing body of work in which has confronted several of the most insidious issues confronting
modern Europe.

It is clear that Faye has consistently advocated an identitarian philosophy which encompasses a doctrine that serves as a synthesis of the political and ideological
within the metaphysics of race.

This metaphysics transcends the categories of liberal ideology with its doctrines of individualism and rights, that locates personal identity within the higher category of
race and culture which must be salvaged and preserved first and foremost. The urgency of this consciousness becomes manifest in framing geopolitical concerns to
this greater larger concern of the ethnopolitical, that is a clash of peoples and their civilization.
This consciousness envelops and absorbs all divisions of sense or identity derived through competing ideologies and the political parties or sects which espouse them.
Such rival sensibilities and wounded feelings ought not to divide peoples in search of solutions, but rather cause them to converge in mutual interest and survival, lest our very spirit and culture become submerged and lost in the decline taking place right now. Therefore, we must fight fire with fire through a program of “resistance,
reconquest, and regeneration.”

2 This review originally appeared in Defend Europa in October 2018

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